Course Content
India and the Contemporary World-II | NCERT Class 10 | History
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1. Introduction to the Non-Cooperation-Khilafat Movement (1921) ๐Ÿšฉ๐Ÿ‡ฎ๐Ÿ‡ณ

  • The Non-Cooperation-Khilafat Movement officially began in January 1921, as part of the larger national struggle against British colonial rule.
  • It was also a direct response to the Khilafat issue, which concerned the treatment of the Ottoman Empire after World War I and the desire to protect the Caliphate ๐Ÿ—“๏ธ๐Ÿ”ฅ.
  • The movement was based on the demand for Swaraj, or self-rule, which resonated deeply with the aspirations of the Indian people.
  • Gandhiโ€™s call for non-cooperation aimed to unite the country in a collective effort to break free from British colonial control โœŠ๐Ÿค.
  • The movement attracted broad-based participation, drawing support from peasants, workers, students, and the urban middle class.
  • Each group brought with it its own specific aspirationsโ€”whether it was social justice, economic independence, or religious freedom ๐Ÿง‘โ€๐Ÿคโ€๐Ÿง‘๐ŸŒ.
  • The term Swaraj meant different things to different sections of society:
    • Farmers sought land reforms and fair taxes.
    • Students demanded an end to British-controlled education systems.
    • Muslim leaders, as part of the Khilafat Movement, aimed to protect the Caliphate and preserve Islamic authority ๐Ÿ•Œโš–๏ธ.

2. Middle-Class Participation in Cities ๐Ÿ™๏ธ๐ŸŽ“

  • The Non-Cooperation Movement initially gained strong support from the middle class in urban areas, which were closely connected to the British colonial system.
  • This class felt the impact of colonial rule through administrative control, economic exploitation, and the education system ๐Ÿ™๏ธ๐Ÿ“š.
  • A significant number of students walked out of government-controlled schools and colleges in protest.
  • Their boycott of British educational institutions became a key part of the movement, with students rejecting an education system that they saw as subjugating and oppressive ๐ŸŽ“โœ‹.
  • Many teachers and headmasters also resigned from their positions, showing their commitment to the cause.
  • Their actions were part of the broader movement to reject the colonial education system that was designed to control and limit the intellectual freedom of Indians ๐Ÿซโœ‹.
  • In the legal sphere, many lawyers joined the movement by giving up their legal practices.
  • They chose not to appear in British courts, which they viewed as instruments of oppression and part of the colonial establishment โš–๏ธ๐Ÿ’ผ.
  • The boycott of council elections was a central part of the movement, with most provinces choosing to abstain from participating in British-controlled political processes ๐Ÿ—ณ๏ธ๐Ÿšซ.
  • However, in Madras (now Chennai), the Justice Party, representing the non-Brahman communities, saw the council elections as an opportunity to gain political power.
  • They felt that entering the councils would help them break the Brahman-dominated political structures and secure a voice for the marginalized communities ๐Ÿ›๏ธ๐Ÿ”ด.
  • This divergence in approach demonstrated how different groups had distinct views on the path to Swaraj and the best way to challenge British rule.

3. Economic Impact of Non-Cooperation ๐Ÿ’ธ๐Ÿšซ

  • The economic front experienced dramatic shifts due to the non-cooperation movement, which aimed to challenge British economic dominance ๐Ÿ’ฅ๐Ÿ“‰.

  • Foreign goods were actively boycotted across the country as part of the movementโ€™s resistance against British economic interests ๐Ÿ›‘๐Ÿ›๏ธ๐Ÿท.

    • This included a focused boycott of foreign cloth as a direct challenge to the textile trade controlled by the British.
  • A key symbolic act of the movement was the burning of foreign cloth in massive bonfires, which became a powerful image of Indian resistance ๐Ÿ”ฅ๐Ÿงต.

  • The impact of the boycott on the textile industry was significant:

    • Between 1921 and 1922, the import of foreign cloth dropped sharply, from Rs 102 crore to Rs 57 crore ๐Ÿ“‰๐Ÿ’ฐ.
    • This was a clear indication of the widespread success of the boycott, as it weakened British trade and bolstered the indigenous economy.
  • As the boycott gained momentum:

    • Merchants and traders refused to engage in the trade of foreign goods or support foreign trade, opting to trade Indian-made products instead ๐Ÿ‡ฎ๐Ÿ‡ณ๐Ÿ”„.
    • This shift helped create a local market for Indian products, further undermining the British economic system.
  • Demand for Indian textiles surged as more people rejected imported clothing and adopted Khadi and locally produced fabrics:

    • This increase in demand led to greater production in Indian textile mills and a rise in the output of handloom products ๐Ÿ‘š๐Ÿ‘•.
  • The economic boycott not only aimed at weakening British control but also promoted the idea of self-reliance (Swadeshi), which became a cornerstone of Indiaโ€™s independence movement.


4. Challenges in Sustaining the Movement โš–๏ธโณ

  • Over time, the movement in urban areas began to slow down due to several challenges and practical difficulties โš ๏ธ๐Ÿ’ก.

  • Khadi cloth, a symbol of the movement, became one of the primary challenges for its sustainability:

    • It was often more expensive than the mass-produced mill cloth, making it difficult for the poorer sections of society to afford ๐Ÿงต๐Ÿ’ฒ.
    • For many people, the idea of boycotting cheaper mill cloth became impractical when they could not purchase more expensive Khadi alternatives.
  • Similarly, the boycott of British institutions posed another challenge:

    • For the boycott to be successful, alternative Indian institutions had to be set up to replace the British ones ๐Ÿ›๏ธ๐Ÿ”ด.
    • However, these alternative institutions were slow to materialize and were unable to provide the same services or infrastructure that the British institutions offered, leading to gaps in the functioning of the movement โš ๏ธโณ.
  • The absence of these replacements led to resignations from the movement:

    • Students began to return to government schools, unable to sustain the boycott due to the lack of alternatives ๐Ÿซโœ‹.
    • Similarly, teachers resumed their work in British-controlled educational institutions, signaling a weakening of the movementโ€™s presence in schools ๐Ÿ“š๐Ÿซ.
  • Lawyers also went back to their work in British courts as the movement struggled to maintain its momentum in urban centers โš–๏ธ๐Ÿ’ผ.

  • The lack of adequate replacements for British institutions, coupled with the high cost of Khadi, made it increasingly difficult for people to sustain their participation in the movement.


5. Conclusion ๐Ÿ“‰๐Ÿ”„

  • Despite its initial success and widespread participation, the Non-Cooperation Movement faced significant challenges that hindered its sustainability, especially in urban areas ๐Ÿ™๏ธโšก.

  • The movement’s momentum gradually slowed down as it became more difficult for people to continue boycotting foreign goods and British institutions without viable alternatives ๐Ÿ›‘๐Ÿ”„.

    • The lack of alternatives for everyday needs and institutions made it harder to maintain the boycott over time.
  • However, despite these challenges, the movement laid the groundwork for future resistance and played a crucial role in building momentum for Indiaโ€™s struggle for independence ๐Ÿ‡ฎ๐Ÿ‡ณโœŠ.

    • It was pivotal in fostering a sense of national unity and self-reliance that would continue to shape Indiaโ€™s freedom struggle.
  • The Non-Cooperation Movement remains a testament to the power of non-violent resistance and economic boycott as tools for political change.

    • It demonstrated that economic actions and civil disobedience could weaken colonial structures and pave the way for future movements leading to Indiaโ€™s freedom.